
Splendor and
Wit; Costume and Society in the Age of Louis XIV, The Sun King (1654 - 1715)
By Erica Hoelscher
(Illustrations drawn by the author)
The middle years of the seventeenth century in France were a time of great stability, wealth, influence and social development. It was a period in which many human activities, politics, economics, art, music, architecture, science, literature, were inexorably intertwined and revolved around a single point. At the center of French social life, government and culture in the seventeenth century was the figure of an extraordinary king, Louis XIV. His majesty and overarching influence commands the attention of those who would study or seek to exemplify this period in France.
From 1590 to 1715 Europe passed through a period of almost continual wars, political divisions and religious strife. At the heart of many of the military conflicts of this era was the struggle between the power of the Emperor and that of the princes. The old medieval distinctions between nobility, middle class and peasantry still existed, but the mutual relationship of these classes underwent a gradual change.[1] The greatest change was that suffered by the nobility who lost real prestige and political power, but made an even greater outward show of it. The middle class was everywhere attaining governmental posts, forming a steadily increasing body of officials and administrators whose efficiency and knowledge made them indispensable to government. The peasant had been pushed lower down the hierarchy, and was condemned to a barely human existence. Out of this volatile climate emerged a leader whose glory outshone all others in Europe.
In the twenty-first
century we tend to think of Louis XIV as the Sun King; and, in fact, starting
with his role in the Ballet de la Nuit in 1653, he had often been
identified with the sun.[2]
Far from being a pagan image, the royal sun was the image of the divine right of kingship, a concept accepted throughout the monarchies of Europe. Indeed, the birth of Louis XIV on September fifth, 1638 was seen as a miracle by many, for his parents had been married for twenty-three years. His father, Louis XIII, died in 1643 before Louis was five years old. His mother, Queen Anna Maria Mauritia of Austria, ruled as Regent for some eleven years before Louis was crowned king at Rheims on June seventh, 1654. Louis XIV was not yet sixteen.
The court that Louis XIV created to surround himself was very different from court structures of the past. The opportunity for reform was quite apparent and Louis seized the moment with brilliance. “In the end, the King’s understanding of the situation and his willingness to move fast may be his greatest claim to lasting glory.”[3] Louis XIV at first did not claim to be more than the foremost of the elegant young gentlemen, the courtiers, whose wealth rivaled his own and who made an appearance from time to time at the court. However, the court that Louis XIV desired could only be perfectly regulated, dominated by his personality and constantly under his eye if his entourage lived with him, remaining night and day at the court at least for a large portion of time. Richelieu had done his utmost to attract the French nobility to Paris: Louis XIV made it their duty to live at the Palais-Royale.[4]
Louis XIV looked on
himself as the owner of France, free to manage his kingdom as he chose,
uncontrolled except by God Himself, Who would lead Louis to manage wisely.
Cardinal Mazarin, who died in 1661, supplied Louis XIV with the best advice:
give the nobility privileges but no power, exclude the aristocracy from your
counsels, choose your ministers from among the bourgeoisie who will thus be in
your debt and always be your own chief minister.[5]
After the death of
Mazarin, Louis announced that he would be his own chief minister and the next
day he excluded from his council the Queen Mother and former Regent, his brother
who was a shocking gossip, and the Marshals Prince de Condé and Turenne. From
this time forward, the king alone would be the one to reward merits, notable
service and fidelity to his person or state. The hereditary system which was the
foundation of the court social structure from the highest to the humblest was
now firmly under the control of the king. Public offices, military posts, every
position down to the most menial of jobs was inherited or bought only with the
king’s consent.[6]
Louis XIV made himself the sole source of justice and equity in the kingdom, the
rescuer of his subjects’ freedom. By slow degrees he became an idol, so that “a
look from him singled a man out, a word with him was an honour, a favour
bestowed covered the recipient with glory.”[7]
The changes made by Louis XIV in the first year of his personal reign amounted to nothing less than a revolution. There was a striking contrast between the nobility who could still attempt to depose the king, (the Fronde,) and those whose highest honor consisted in attending the lever of Louis XIV. The expectation that one was at the king’s beck and call made attendance mandatory at the court’s frequent entertainments, which included amateur theatricals and musical performances, elaborate meals, balls and evenings of gambling. More elaborate festivities, usually lasting several days, accompanied weddings, military victories and the arrival of foreign royalty. The most striking festivities were the ones organized in the gardens at Versailles by the Sun King in 1664, 1668, and 1674. “Not being (near the king) was considered to be catastrophic: since only constant attendance on His Majesty put one in a position to ask for favors…”[8] By multiplying the positions around him, Louis XIV excited constant jealousy between the different officeholders and the ranks of the aristocracy. He also ensured that the energies that had once provoked civil wars would be spent in quarreling about the right to a stool, or the order of entrance into the royal bedroom. Wit and lively conversation became a necessity to fill the long, leisurely hours; for although the king worked long hours, most of the courtiers had nothing to do. Indeed, it was at times strenuous to be a noble, “(to appear in) full dress, go to Flanders or further, dance, sit up, attend fêtes, eat, be merry and good company, go from place to place; appear neither to fear, nor to be inconvenienced by heat, wind, or dust; and all this precisely to the hour and day, without a minute’s grace.”[9] In attending the king at court, the nobility surrendered not only its personal life but its political power as well.
Louis XIV desired in a wife and a Queen a woman who would shine in society with infinite politeness, ornament the royal household with her beauty and who could rule over the courtiers, taking an interest in their human problems. He fell in love for a time with a niece of his former advisor, the Cardinal Mazarin. However, it had been at the heart of French foreign policy for decades to separate Spain from the rule of the Hapsburgs, and in fact France had been at war with Spain from 1635 to 1659. A peace treaty was in order, and it was decided that Louis would marry his cousin, the Spanish Infanta Maria Teresia, daughter of Philip IV and his aunt, Elizabeth of France, now deceased.
As France had been an enemy and a challenge to Hapsburg rule in Spain, Philip IV in 1623 had introduced his Capitulos de Reformacion banning French clothing and hairstyles in Spain. The heavily Catholic Spain was highly conservative both in manner and in dress, utilizing high, stiff collars and garments, heavy fabrics, dense ornamentation, geometric shapes and tension. Strict codes of conduct and of dress made these styles compulsory in Spain and throughout much of Catholic Europe. In contrast, the French court loved embroidery, display and frivolity. Louis XIV was twenty-one upon his marriage and wanted to shine so that the whole world would see Apollo in his splendor.[10] He wanted his clothes to be fantastic and lively, the opposite of Spanish sobriety. It was a visual display of political rivalry when the final wedding ceremony took place on June ninth, 1660.
The Infanta Maria Teresia, born in 1638, had been raised like a nun and the French court was to prove a terrific shock to her. As soon as the new queen of France was in French hands, her Spanish clothes and adornments were stripped from her. She was given a French name, French clothes, French hairstyle, French friends and servants and she did not even speak French. Her aunt and mother-in-law, Anna Maria Mauritia, Queen and former Regent of France, was to be her greatest ally since she spoke Spanish and had been an Infanta herself. Marie Thérèse did not fulfill the role of queen as envisioned by Louis XIV. She had a pretty face but was not attractive; she had short legs and black teeth from eating too much chocolate and garlic.11] She had the mentality of a child and liked to play with little dogs and dwarfs, and she never learned to speak French properly. She made no impact on her subjects.[12] On November 1, 1661, Queen Marie Thérèse presented Louis XIV with a son, the Grand Dauphin Monseigneur Louis. She had five more children, all of whom died. The death of the queen mother from breast cancer in 1666 robbed Marie Thérèse of her best friend and compatriot. Despite her neediness and naiveté, Louis XIV always respected the Marie Thérèse’s position and paid her the homage that was her due as queen.
In fact, Louis XIV was well known for his correct behavior and especially his faultless courtesy to women of all ranks.[13] This did not prevent him, however, from following the tradition of all French monarchs to have a wife and a declared mistress, who was almost a second queen.[14] Louis XIV’s first extramarital flirtation appears to have been with his sister-in-law, the wife of his brother Philippe, Princess Henriette Anne of England. The pious Queen Mother, who wholly disapproved of any adulterous relationship especially frowned at this one and told Louis to choose instead a maid of honor. At the age of sixteen Louise de La Vallière became Louis’ first mistress. At one point she, Queen Marie Thérèse and Henriette Anne, (by Philippe,) were all pregnant at the same time. Shy and modest, Louise did not try to embarrass the queen, who in time came to be friendly with her. Louise bore Louis XIV a son and a daughter. She took the veil after a second mistress was appointed at court.
The pattern of the
king’s three principle love affairs was the same, the new mistress being
provided unwittingly by the existing one. Louis XIV had not cared for Madame de
Montespan at first, but Louise could not be without her.
Athénïas
Pardaillon de Goudrin Marquise de Montespan, blond with huge blue eyes, an
aquiline nose, small mouth, and good teeth, was ambitious, calculating and
captivating in ways that Louise La Vallière
was not. Athénïas was the most brilliant and beautiful woman at court, clever
and amusing. Louis XIV saw her every day and she was determined to conquer him.[15]
For a time both Athénïas and Louise acted as mistress toward the king, until
Louise decided to retreat. The Marquise de Montespan bore Louis nine children.
The words of her husband, the Marquis de Montespan, however, eventually became
reality. The Marquis strongly objected to his wife’s pursuit of and relationship
with the king and said, “The handsome king might be the favorite of all the
ladies, but there would always be ten to replace her (Athénïas).”[16]
Montespan was forced to give way when his attempts to separate his wife from the
court threatened to bring the wrath of the king upon him.
Athénïas’ lost her power over the king after the birth of their last child. She grew enormously fat and it was said that each of her legs was the size of a thin man. She was replaced as mistress by the woman she herself arranged to act as governess to her children; Madame Scarron, who became Madame de Maintenon. Maintenon was an extremely pious woman, and roused in the aging Louis XIV feelings of guilt for having lived a sinful existence. Like Athénïas, Madame de Maintenon was quite beautiful, intelligent, entertaining, and independent being a widow. After the death of Marie Thérèse in 1683 Louis XIV and Madame de Maintenon were secretly married.
The ladies-in-waiting,
who were typically young, beautiful and often unmarried women of good families,
played an important role alongside the princesses and the ladies who attended
the court.[17]
For young girls the only question was honor, which meant not simply virginity
but rather a judgment of all her qualities: dress, language, tact in
distributing tokens of love, constancy of choice and above all resistance to
male overtures.[18]
Women did not participate in the external economy
unless they were widows or members of the upper classes. The marriage contract,
which was as important as the religious sacrament, protected the woman’s dowry
and gave her power over her own property. She was capable of adopting a personal
strategy in regard to her money, although it was usually influenced by family
politics. Women could draw up wills, and were not strictly subordinate to the
male, but shared in his powers and duties.[19]
As further recognition of the
importance of his mistresses, Louis XIV legitimized his many children by them,
giving them royal titles. This practice was another means of maintaining his
power against a potentially rebellious aristocracy.
To his contemporaries Louis XIV was Ludovicus Magnus, Louis le Grande, a title that implied achievements in a variety of fields.[20] A great king in the seventeenth century was expected to win wars, foster the arts, encourage trade, build splendid palaces and ensure that his people prospered. In the absence of widely distributed visual imagery, those who wrote about Louis XIV first hand considered a physical description to be importance evidence of prestige and power, particularly in the international scene. They agreed that while Louis XIV was not very tall, he was imposing, dark complexed, with an excellent figure, perfect legs, feet and hands and entirely masculine in stature. He had firm and well-rounded cheeks, a scornful mouth[21] and small but brilliant eyes which gave the impression of seeing everything.[22] All speak of his noble look and extraordinary grace. Louis XIV never made an ill-considered or meaningless gesture, and he seemed like a deity, (or, according to some, an actor of genius.)[23] The Duc de Saint-Simone writes, “...his whole person so impregnated with the most imposing majesty that it revealed itself alike in his slightest gestures and most ordinary actions, without any appearance of pride, but with an air of grave simplicity.” Louis XIV was in command of a politeness that was “always grave, always majestic, always distinguished, and suitable to age, station, and sex,” “his figure, his bearing, the charm, the beauty, and the noble aspect,” diffused over his entire person marked him out as the most perfect king of France his subjects could have imagined.[24]
Louis XIV was an outdoorsman who excelled at all sport and spent a part of every day hunting or riding. He had an iron constitution, was for most of his life in robust and excellent health; he had enormous stamina and energy. The constant flow of nighttime festivities, the parties, balls, dinners and lovemaking never prevented him from working all day. His activities each day were highly scheduled and structured and were conducted truly in the public eye. Except when he was working with his ministers or actually having sex with his mistresses, Louis XIV and the entire royal family lived their lives out in the open. Attendance at the king’s lever, or rising, was obligatory for the nobles, and often the crowds were so large that it was impossible to see. The royal parks and palaces were all public places and anyone who was properly dressed could be admitted. When Louis XIV gave a ball, many non-aristocratic subjects were able to watch it.[25] There was little privacy or intimacy and very little family life.[26]
The king’s brother Philippe, known as Monsieur, had been carefully raised by his mother and Cardinal Mazarin to be completely ignorant of public affairs, and thus would not pose a threat to or embarrass his brother. His interests in life were clothes and jewels, parties, etiquette, art and frivolity. He was quick, intelligent and witty, amiable and welcoming and even kind. Philippe was not known for his dignity, however, and was vulnerable to criticism for his shrill rages, his love of gossip and his shocking private life. As the king’s brother Philippe was protected from prosecution for his homosexual preferences. His perversion horrified his deeply religious mother as did the scandal and sensationalism caused by his behaviors.[27]
Philippe married his cousin, Princess Henriette Anne of England in 1661, after which he stated publicly his claim to the English throne in line behind his wife’s brother Charles II. Henriette Anne said in return that Monsieur was so short and so ridiculous in the way he dressed that the English would laugh him off the throne. In retaliation, the story goes, Monsieur decided to have two inches added to the heels of his shoes. “Henriette Anne told Louis XIV what his brother was up to so when Monsieur swaggered into court wearing his high heels he was astonished to see the king still towering above him because he had increased his heels too.”[28] High heels for men remained in fashion until 1715.
Louis XIV, master of
publicity that he was, realized that by fostering the very latest fashions the
glamour and attraction of the court was increased. Fashion in France was big
business, exported to other courts and countries in Europe, the subject of
international fascination. The French fashion was an extreme style as was
fitting to the youth of Louis XIV and the tendency of youth to worship
extremism. The influence of Baroque ideals were felt in the disdain for
restraint, the taste for liberty (as compared to previous styles and styles of
other countries,) the search for oppositions and movement and in the abundant
details.[29]
The elaborateness of the costume, the many accessories and details, the need to
change ones dress frequently and the incredible expense commanded much of the
energy, finances and time of the court, as well as exciting rivalries between
nobles. Louis XIV himself spent ninety minutes a day getting dressed, of which,
it is said, thirty minutes was spent waxing his moustache.[30]
The styles worn at the court of Louis XIV were followed by all who could afford
to do so and gradually they were emulated by other European courts as well. In
fact, there was so much French influence on English fashion that protests
erupted on the part of English tradesmen and manufacturers. Importation of
certain French textiles was banned and attempts were made to distinguish the
English style from the French.
There is little stiffness
in the male garments of the period, rather, the fabrics are soft and flowing.
There is considerable bulk, however, in the froth of lace at neck and wrist, the
billowing shirts, the full breeches and the considerable amount of applied
detail in the form of ribbon loops. The ribbons were worn on the hats, on the
sword handles, on canes, on the sleeve, waist, hem, knees and shoes. The French
called the ribbon loops on a gentleman’s dress galants, and the ensemble
of the trimming petite-oie, literally, the accessory parts or giblets of
a goose.[31]
It has been said that the
amount of ribbon loops and bows applied to men’s clothing was in the hundreds of
yards. The favorite colors were sky blue, yellow, and all tones of red, scarlet,
crimson, cherry, and flame. Louis XIV loved flame in particular, for it
represented the flames of the sun, his particular symbol.
The origin of the unusual
breeches worn during the period is shrouded in mystery although many theories
exist. Called petticoat breeches or rhinegraves, these very full, short trousers
may have been truly a skirt, with no separation between the legs. Even when
bifurcated, the generous folds of the rhinegrave gave an appearance of a skirt.
The name rhinegrave suggests that the style originated in Germany, although some
say that Holland is the source. The Rhine area was on the border between France
and the German cultural regions, and “grave” might have been an alternate
spelling for “graf,” the German word for the title Count. Several nobles
have been credited with introducing the style, including the Rhinegrave von Salm,
who visited Paris.[32]
The Count Palatine Edward is another possible source, since he was known for his
eccentricities and was married to Ann of Gonzaga and Nevers, lady-in-waiting to
the Queen Regent.[33]
The full skirted breeches
usually reached to the area of the knee and were worn over another pair of
breeches which were either tightly fitted or loose and ending with a ruffle or
lace trim, a derivative of the boot lace of Cavalier dress.
The doublet worn
with these breeches was similar to a modern bolero jacket; often worn open in
front, it was usually short enough for the full shirt to show between the
doublet and the breeches. The shirt was very important to the style creating a
blousy, casual effect. The doublet had short, medium, or long sleeves that
highlighted the shirt underneath. Shoes had high heels which all noblemen wore
painted red, with square toes and wide, stiff bow decorations. Louis XIV, who
was very proud of his long dark blond hair, set the style for all men to wear
their hair long. Wigs became a common accessory, (although Louis did not feel
the need to adopt one until 1672,) the favorite color being blond. High-quality
blond human hair wigs cost an astronomical sum, so less expensive alternatives
such as goat and horsehair were found. Wig thievery became a serious problem in
France and elsewhere and carried severe penalties. Due to the length of the hair
the shape of the collar changed gradually so that it was concentrated toward the
front of the neck.
It is commonly observed that the female fashion of Louis XIV’s court is rather dull and dreary in comparison to the male plumage. Indeed, the feminine spirit at court did not have a strong leader in Marie Thérèse, and female fashion for the most part was dictated by Louis himself. As always, he insisted that the ladies appear properly and lavishly dressed according to a code of fashion that he established. There was a general softening of the Spanish styles and the farthingales and stiffening had been discarded. However, tight, stiff bodices continued to be worn, with lower and lower necklines. The bodice ended at the center front over the top of the skirt with a deep “v”, which was pushed even deeper by the lowering décolleté. Neck and bosom left exposed, the lower arm was also bared by the short sleeve of the bodice, which mimicked the sleeve of the doublet. The skirt, which was very full and worn over several petticoats, sometimes opened in an inverted “v” from the waist to the hem and revealed the uppermost petticoat beneath. Frequently the skirts trained slightly in the back, and were generally free of trimming, except perhaps at the hem and open center front edges.
The severity and weight of the female court dress heightened the allure of the less restrictive, more comfortable gowns which were beginning to emerge, known as “undress.” These unboned garments were worn over a small corset and a full linen smock, similar to the man’s shirt. The bodice frequently opened down the front and was fastened with decorative clasps. It had a very deep décolleté, very full sleeves which exposed the lower arm and were also fastened with clasps, and little applied decoration. The skirts worn with this fashion were full and unadorned. Louis XIV, always strict, despised the new casual dress for women and did not allow it at court. Distinction arose between the “town dress” and the court dress, the former being worn only in the privacy of one’s own home and in the presence of social inferiors.
The fashion of the
low décolleté
in both court dress and “undress” was not maintained without considerable
opposition. It is said that Louis XIII once spat a mouthful of wine into the
immodestly low front of a lady’s dress, and magisterial edicts were passed in an
attempt to regulate female dress. At court and elsewhere the neckline was edged
with a transparent veiling, similar to a collar, which hid some of the ladies’
anatomy. The relaxation of women’s styles in general can be traced not to
France, but to England and Italy, where religious codes of dress for women were
not as strictly maintained as in the realm of the Hapsburgs. In England, the
virgin Queen Elizabeth I was not required to wear a cap on her head, as were all
married women. Married women in England began to copy the queen’s style and
dispense with caps. The French court saw the de’ Medici queens from Italy
bringing with them the southern Italian capless look, (Louis XIV’s grandmother
was a de’ Medici.) This relaxation, along with reaction against the austerity of
Spain, brought a new looseness and informality into the dress of women in
France.
Elaborate
hairstyles for women were launched by the queen and her ladies as a way to show
the superior taste of the French court. The hair over the ears was worn curled
in
ringlets that were pulled away from the face. The hair on the back of the head
was pulled into a bun and often soft curls framed the forehead and temples. As
increased width of the hairstyle was desired ear wires were invented to hold the
ringlets out from the head. None of these curiosities have survived, but they
were probably U-shaped over the head and then stuck out at the sides so that the
ringlets could be draped over them. The stability of ear wires was not good and
they were constantly slipping and needing to be adjusted. By the mid-1660s the
style was changing to puffs of hair at the sides of the head with shorter
ringlets falling from them.
Just as Frenchwomen of the upper classes were afforded some control over their money and rights within marriage, during the seventeenth century they also exerted influence in the social realm. “Frenchwomen were the first to require a display of intellect and wit on the part of gentlemen who courted their favor, and the drawing-room was the place in which women first laid claim to equality with the stronger sex by pitting against man’s crude strength the finer weapons of the intellect.”[34] In 1616 the German traveler Jodokus Zinzerling wrote of his admiration of the liveliness and grace of Frenchwomen, who spoke with the greatest ease on the toughest themes. It seems ridiculous that so much attention and meticulous interest was paid to matters of etiquette in the seventeenth century, for indeed, codes of behavior were developed into a positive science. One must consider, however, the previous century so rife with warfare, and the fact that even in the best circles manners were course and rough. “…the Duke of Orleans actually boxed Richelieu’s ears in the Cardinal’s own palace, and husbands of princely rank…thought nothing of settling marital disputes by cuffing their consorts at table.”[35] The seventeenth century was devoted to appearances, and in courtly society all behavior was public and symbolic. Manners were rational; they could be used to create an image of self, to reveal only that identity by which one wished to be recognized. And of course, fashions in manners, as in everything, were inaugurated by the entourage of the king, the leading nobles and by the king himself.
“His words, like his salutations, were measured, graduated according to the quality of the persons to whom they were addressed. He spoke little, and gravely, saying what it was necessary to say, and to the person to whom it was proper to say it; and, indeed, a word from him was an honour about which people talked.”[36] “He looked to the right and to the left, not only upon rising but upon going to bed, at his meals, in passing through his apartments, or his gardens of Versailles, where alone the courtiers were allowed to follow him; he saw and noticed everybody; not one escaped him, not even those who hoped to remain unnoticed.”[37] “He looked well in public and had perfected a way of never granting or refusing a request on the spot – ‘Je Verrai’ (I will see), he always said – which prevented unpleasant moments.”[38] Before the age of Louis XIV, a gentleman did not need to charm by his conversation and his knowledge of letters. Instead, he wished to be thought of as brave, powerful, magnificent, sexually virile, independent and wealthy. The concept of the honnete homme, or honest man, was a product of the court, stemming from the courtly ideals of graciousness and refinement, and widely dispersed throughout Europe. The honnete homme was refined and sociable, well-mannered and good company, worthy, gallant, well spoken, courageous, in short, guided by a sense of honor.[39] At the court of Louis XIV, therefore, possession of political, economic, or military power did not necessarily imply a leading position in society, where birth, wealth, brilliance and other qualities contributed to distinction.
At this time a
particularly French method of social discourse arose which was known as the
salon. The
first and most famous of these gatherings of artists,
philosophers, writers and social elite, took place at the Parisian home of
Catherine de Vivonne, Marquise de Rambouillet. Her home became a center of
French culture, attracting the intellects of society. Above all it was a
literary salon: “poetry and letters were handed out like so many
dainties; the guests listened to the works their authors read aloud, and
discussed them…”[40]
The salon supplied
writers with an excellent public, well-informed, passionately interested in art,
well bred men and women who knew and spoke the French well. Grammatical problems
were endlessly debated, immense stress was laid on refinement of style and a
language particular to the French elite was developed. Members of the
aristocracy now canvassed to be admitted to the Academie Francaise, and while
writers did not become the aristocrats’ equals, they gained a certain respect.
Amongst the nobles a “polite man” had command of the language.[41]
Another arena of social interaction that was greatly impacted by the new rules of etiquette was dining. The fork did not come into general use until the middle of the century, and then it was used to serve each guest from the common platter. Putting the food into the mouth was still generally done with the fingers; it is thought that Louis XIV and his mother always ate in this way. The use of individual plates, glasses and spoons was also being recommended, and there arose long lists outlining the proper handling of these items. The new table regulations and utensils had a marked effect of widening the social gap between those who could afford such items and those who could not. Cardinal Mazarin was instrumental in popularizing tea, coffee, and chocolate in France, luxuries that only the very rich could obtain. Spices were also being newly discovered and used heavily in foods, to the extent, it is said, that would make food unappetizing to the modern palate.[42] People of the day ate and drank heartily, as revealed by the lengthy menus from various state and festive dinners held at court.
Dance reached an
unprecedented role of importance both socially and politically during the last
half of the seventeenth century.[43]
As a social art, the dance best illustrated the complete externalization of the
rules of behavior of the period. Dance showed the body in order to demonstrate
the dancer’s control over it.[44]
In addition, the individual body was presented as part of a group, partaking of
a universal codification of the rhetoric of gestures. Members of the aristocracy
were expected to be always conscious of their physical stance and bearing.
Postures and bowing were a means of showing respect and good breeding. Balls of
the period and the dances performed at them were occasions for the display of
manners, good taste, and social relationships. Gentlemen did not choose their
own partners; the master of ceremonies paired up couples. Only one couple danced
at a time, showing off their steps as best as possible under the scrutiny of the
rest of the crowd. The first real social dance was the courant, danced by
twelve couples at a time and a favorite dance of Louis XIV. When the minuet
became fashionable in 1663, it was called the king of dances; it required three
months of training in order to master the intricate patterns of steps. Louis XIV
himself took dancing lessons for twenty years, and appeared, usually as Apollo
or Jupiter, in many of the ballets that were performed at court. Virtually
everyone, princes, ladies, citizens, professional singers, musicians and dancers
danced these “masquerades” in costume; even the Cardinal Mazarin took part. At
first very loose in structure with each performer contributing his role as he
saw fit, these ballets were eventually composed by artists such as Jean-Baptiste
Lulli, (1633-1687
Louis XIV made use of the arts to “project his vision of centralized government, national unity, and royal control of all aspects of French life.” [45] On January first, 1664, Jean-Baptiste Colbert, newly appointed superintendent of the king’s buildings, confirmed the arrangements for pensions and rewards to ‘men of letters’ – poets, prose writers, and intellectuals.[46] To the astonishment (and irritation) of European nations, the names of distinguished foreigners figured among the humanists, scholars, grammarians, rhetoricians, poets, historiographers, mathematicians, geographers, astronomers and physicians at the king’s service. Over a twelve year period, the king and Colbert invented or refurbished many of the cultural institutions that exist today in France. In 1662 the Royal Manufactory of the Gobelins employed over 800 tapestry workers, sculptors, artists, goldsmiths and embroiderers. In 1663 the Academy of Painting and Sculpture was created, in 1665 the Journal des Savants, a national periodical of scientific and literary review began. In 1666 the French Academies in Rome and in Paris were opened as well as the Academy of Sciences in Paris. In 1667 construction began on the Observatory in the faubourg Saint-Jacques, in 1669 the Royal Academy of Music was opened, and in 1671 the Academy of Architecture. The arts were nationalized into a system of glorification of the king, to increase his international prestige and to promote the economy of the nation.
Colbert was a success; in
ten years between 1661 and 1671 the national revenue of France was doubled. At
court and internationally displays of wealth supplanted demonstrations of power
as proof of nobility and strength. “In monarchy the sumptuousness of the court
(was) a kind of rhetoric, intended to make a point, to persuade others of the
king’s power…”
[47] Louis
expected the aristocracy to follow his lead, as described by Saint-Simone, “He
liked splendor, magnificence, and profusion in everything: you pleased him if
you shone through the brilliancy of your houses, your clothes, your table, your
equipages. Thus a taste for extravagance and luxury was disseminated through all
classes of society; causing infinite harm, and leading to general confusion of
rank and to ruin.”[48]
Because the court was more brilliant, because every new ball, every reception,
required increasingly splendid clothes it was incredibly expensive to live
there. At court much time was spent playing cards for very high stakes, and it
was the king who might give a courtier a sum of money or a pension or office
that carried a salary. The aim was to please His Majesty, which required
attendance at court where life was so awfully expensive.
To his contemporaries and to posterity alike, Louis XIV wanted to be known as a great king. From his youth he was highly aware of the duties and responsibilities that came with his position, and, indeed, he cared greatly for his subjects’ welfare throughout his reign. “Common sense…may well have been his greatest boon.”[49] Despite the fact that he was the target of every ambitious man and woman at the court and that his smallest word was taken as gospel, Louis XIV was grounded in reality. His extraordinary psychological stability allowed him to see through the masks of adoration that surrounded him, and far from being self-absorbed and self-indulgent, he managed his realm brilliantly.
The awakening of individuality that is the hallmark of the seventeenth century is a touching and vibrant feature of the monarchy of Louis XIV, and is the legacy that he left to France. Representations of the fashions of the court project a quality of humanity and an earthly existence that is distant and enigmatic in the present day. Indeed, it is distasteful to the modern eye to consider an image of masculinity that embraces what are currently considered feminine qualities and details. An appreciation of the character of daily life, the political structure and aesthetic sensibilities in seventeenth century France illuminates an ideal of beauty that is removed by time and cultural evolution.
[1] Von Boehn, Max. Modes and Manners, vol. 3, The Seventeenth Century. Translated by Joan Joshua. (London: George G. Harrap and Co. Ltd., 1935), 20.
[2] Bernier, Olivier. Louis XIV; a Royal Life. (New York: Doubleday, 1987), 96.
[3] Bernier, Louis XIV, 94.
[4] Boulenger, Jacques. The Seventeenth Century. The National History of France, ed. Fr. Funck-Brentano. (London: The Whitefriars Press Ltd., 1920).
[5] de Marly, Louis XIV and Versailles, 18.
[6] Mitford, Nancy. The Sun King. (New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1966), 43.
[7] Boulenger, The Seventeenth Century, 202.
[8] Bernier, Louis XIV, 164.
[9] Saint-Simon, Louis de Rouvroy, duc de, Memoirs of Louis XIV and His Court and of the Regency, vol. 12. trans. Bayle St. John. Memoirs of the Courts of Europe; v. 11-13. (New York: P.F. Collier and Son, 1910), 928.
[10] Von Boehn, Modes and Manners, vol. 3, 23.
[11] Mitford, The Sun King, 54.
[12] Ibid., 56.
[13] Von Boehn, Modes and Manners, vol. 3, 88.
[14] Mitford, The Sun King, 25.
[15] Mitford, The Sun King, 27.
[16]de Marly, Louis XIV and Versailles, 38.
[17] Bernier, Louis XIV, 105.
[18] Fabre, Daniel, “Families: Privacy versus Custom”, in A History of Private Life, vol. 3, Passions of the Renaissance, edited by Roger Chartier and translated by Authur Goldhammer. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989), 533.
[19] Ibid., 408.
[20] Bernier, Louis XIV, 97.
[21] Boulenger, The Seventeenth Century, 174.
[22] Mitford, The Sun King, 23-24.
[23] Ibid., 24.
[24] Boulenger, The Seventeenth Century, 174.
[25] Bernier, Louis XIV, 102.
[26] Castan, Nicole, “The Public and the Private”, in A History of Private Life, vol. 3, Passions of the Renaissance, edited by Roger Chartier and translated by Authur Goldhammer. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989), 419.
[27] de Marly, Louis XIV and Versailles, 26.
[28] Ibid., 37.
[29] Boucher, François. 20.000 Years of Fashion: The History of Costume and Personal Adornment. (New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 1987), 256.
[30] Ibid., 38.
[31] Von Boehn, Modes and Manners, vol. 3, 142.
[32] Von Boehn, Modes and Manners, vol. 3, 140.
[33] Boucher, 20.000 Years of Fashion, 258.
[34] Von Boehn, Modes and Manners, vol. 3, 190.
[35] Ibid., 182.
[36] Boulenger, The Seventeenth Century, 176.
[37] Saint-Simon, Memoirs, vol. 12, 893.
[38] Bernier, Louis XIV, 166.
[39] Bluche, Louis XIV, 185.
[40] Boulenger, The Seventeenth Century, 117.
[41] Ibid.
[42] Von Boehn, Modes and Manners, vol. 3, 198.
[43] “The Social and Political Importance of Dance.” [www.balakeneymanor.com/essay.html] (8/2004), 1.
[44] Revel, Jacques, “The Uses of Civility”, in A History of Private Life, vol. 3, Passions of the Renaissance, edited by Roger Chartier and translated by Authur Goldhammer. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989), 196.
[45] Russell, Douglas A. Costume History and Style. (New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1983), 254.
[46] Bluche, Louis XIV, 186.
[47] Lebrun, François, “The Two Reformations: Communal Devotion and Personal Piety”, in A History of Private Life, vol. 3, Passions of the Renaissance, edited by Roger Chartier and translated by Authur Goldhammer. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989), 104.
[48] Saint-Simon, Memoirs, vol. 12, 898.